Climate Change in the American Mind: Politics & Policy, December 2022

Report Summary

This report is based on findings from a nationally representative survey – Climate Change in the American Mind – conducted jointly by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication and the George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication. Interview dates: December 2 –12, 2022. Interviews: 1,085 adults (18+), 938 of whom are registered to vote. Average margin of error for registered voters: +/-3 percentage points at the 95% confidence level.

 

Climate Change in the American Mind is conducted jointly by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication and the George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication.

Principal Investigators:

Anthony Leiserowitz, PhD
Yale Program on Climate Change Communication

Edward Maibach, MPH, PhD
George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication

Seth Rosenthal, PhD
Yale Program on Climate Change Communication

John Kotcher, PhD
George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication

For all media and other inquiries, please email:

Yale Program on Climate Change Communication: Lisa Fernandez ([email protected]), Jon Ozaksut ([email protected]), and Eric Fine ([email protected])

George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication: Edward Maibach ([email protected]) and John Kotcher ([email protected])

Climate Change in the American Mind is conducted jointly by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication and the George Mason University Center for Climate Change Communication.

Correction: To correct an error in the numbers presented for age groups in the demographics tables, an updated PDF version of the report was uploaded on March 31, 2023.

Reading Notes

• This report includes only registered voters.
• References to Republicans and Democrats throughout include respondents who initially identify as either a Republican or Democrat, as well as those who do not initially identify as a Republican or Democrat but who say they “are closer to” one of those parties (i.e., “leaners”) in a follow-up question. The category “Independents” does not include any of these “leaners.”
• For tabulation purposes, percentage points are rounded to the nearest whole number. As a result, percentages in a given chart may total slightly higher or lower than 100%. Summed response categories (e.g., “strongly support” + “somewhat support”) are rounded after sums are calculated. For example, in some cases, the sum of 25% + 25% might be reported as 51% (e.g., 25.3% + 25.3% = 50.6%, which, after rounding, is 51%).
• Weighted percentages among registered voters of each of the groups discussed in this report:
  • Democrats (total) including leaners: 48%
    • Liberal Democrats: 27%
    • Moderate/Conservative Democrats: 21%
      • (Moderate Democrats: 19%; Conservative Democrats: 3%)
  • Republicans (total) including leaners: 39%
    • Liberal/Moderate Republicans: 12%
      • (Liberal Republicans: 1%; Moderate Republicans: 12%)
    • Conservative Republicans: 27%
  • Independents excluding leaners: 8% (included the in results reported for “All Registered Voters” only)
  • No party/Not interested in politics/No response: 4% (included in the results reported for “All Registered Voters” only)
• The full text of all survey items can be found in the data tables.

Executive Summary

Drawing on a representative sample of the U.S. adult population (n = 1,085; including the 938 registered voters whose data are included in this report), these findings describe how registered voters view a variety of domestic climate and energy policies. The survey was fielded from December 2 – 12, 2022.

It is important to note that this survey was conducted just after the 2022 U.S. congressional elections, which resulted in the Republican Party taking the majority in the U.S. House of Representatives and the Democratic Party increasing their majority in the U.S. Senate.

This executive summary presents the results for all registered voters, while the main text of the report also breaks the results down by political party and ideology.

Global Warming as a Voting Issue

• More than four in ten registered voters (45%) who voted in the 2022 election say global warming was either “the single most important issue” (2%) or “one of several important issues” (43%) to them when they decided how they would vote.

Global Warming and Clean Energy as Government Priorities

• 52% of registered voters say global warming should be a high or very high priority for the president and Congress.
• 65% of registered voters say developing sources of clean energy should be a high or very high priority for the president and Congress.

Support for Policies to Reduce the Pollution that Causes Global Warming

Majorities of registered voters support a range of policies to reduce carbon pollution and promote clean energy. These include:

• 79% support funding more research into renewable energy sources.
• 78% support providing federal funding to make residential buildings in low-income communities more energy efficient.
• 76% support providing tax incentives or rebates to homeowners, landlords, and businesses to purchase appliances that can be powered without burning fossil fuels.
• 75% support providing tax rebates to people who purchase energy-efficient vehicles or solar panels.
• 74% support regulating carbon dioxide as a pollutant.
• 66% support transitioning the U.S. economy (including electric utilities, transportation, buildings, and industry) from fossil fuels to 100% clean energy by 2050.
• 64% support requiring fossil fuel companies to pay a tax on the carbon they produce and using the money to reduce other taxes by an equal amount.
• 62% support requiring electric utilities to produce 100% of their electricity from renewable energy sources by 2035.

Support for Conservation and Restoration Policies

Majorities of registered voters support a range of conservation and restoration policies. These include:

• 84% support federal funding to help farmers improve practices to protect and restore the soil so it absorbs and stores more carbon.
• 78% support creating a jobs program to hire unemployed coal workers to close down old coal mines.
• 78% support creating a jobs program to hire unemployed oil and gas workers to close down abandoned gas wells.
• 68% support increasing federal funding to low-income communities and communities of color who are disproportionately harmed by air and water pollution.

Energy Production

• 79% support generating renewable energy on public land in the U.S.
• 59% support expanding offshore drilling for oil and natural gas off the U.S. coast.
• 56% support drilling for and mining fossil fuels on public land in the U.S.

Building climate-friendly energy production and distribution infrastructure

Many registered voters support building a range of climate-friendly energy production and distribution infrastructure in the U.S. and in their local area. These include:

• Solar farms: 66% support building in the U.S.; 61% support building locally.
• Wind farms: 65% support building in the U.S.; 57% support building locally.
• Electric vehicle charging stations: 59% support building in the U.S.; 58% support building locally.
• High-voltage power lines to distribute clean energy: 58% support building in the U.S.; 54% support building locally.
• Nuclear power plants: 44% support building in the U.S.; 35% support building locally.

Declaring Climate Change a National Emergency

• 55% of registered voters support a U.S. president declaring global warming a national emergency if Congress does not take further action.

The Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (IRA)

On August 16, 2022, President Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) into law. The law aims to curb inflation, reduce prescription drug prices and the cost of health insurance, modernize the Internal Revenue Service, and invest in U.S. clean energy production. The law will be paid for by closing tax loopholes.

• 43% of registered voters have heard either “a lot” or “some” about the IRA.
• Among registered voters who have heard of the IRA, the most common associations are skepticism, climate/clean energy, and economic benefits.
• After reading a short description of the IRA, 68% of registered voters support it.
• 41% of registered voters think the IRA will increase innovation in clean energy technologies.
• Relatively few registered voters think the IRA will accomplish its other intended goals including reducing global warming (34%), the cost of health care (27%), inflation (24%), electricity power outages (21%), gas prices (20%), or the cost of electricity (18%).
• Fewer than half of registered voters think the IRA will help future generations of people (42%), low-income communities and communities of color (36%), the health of Americans (35%), the economy and jobs in the U.S. (35%), their family (26%), them personally (22%), or national security (17%).

Who Should Act?

• 66% of registered voters say corporations and industry should do more to address global warming.
• Additionally, about half or more also say the following should do more to address global warming: citizens themselves (60%), the Republican Party (60%), the U.S. Congress (58%), their local government officials (54%), their governor (53%), the Democratic Party (53%), the media (51%), President Biden (50%), and they themselves (48%).
• Only 12% of registered voters think the U.S. government is responding well to global warming.

Political Actions to Limit Global Warming

• 49% of registered voters say they would sign a petition about global warming if a person they like and respect asked them to, although only 16% say they have signed such a petition in the past year.
• Fewer say they would take other actions if a person they like and respect asked them to, including 31% who would donate money to an organization working on global warming (compared with 11% who say they have actually done so in the past year), 30% who would volunteer their time to an organization working on global warming (compared with 5% who say they have done so in the past year), and 26% who would contact government officials about global warming (compared with 8% who say they have done so in the past year).
• 25% say they would support an organization engaging in non-violent civil disobedience against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse, 14% say they would personally engage in non-violent civil disobedience, and 4% say they would be willing to get arrested as part of such an action.
• 1% say they are currently participating in a campaign to convince elected officials to take action to reduce global warming, while 7% say they would “definitely” join such a campaign and 19% say they would “probably” join one.

Collective Efficacy

• 42% of registered voters are at least “moderately confident” that people like them, working together, can affect what the federal government does about global warming; 35% are at least “moderately confident” that people like them, working together, can affect what corporations do about global warming.

Educating Students About Global Warming

• 75% of registered voters say that schools should teach children about the causes and consequences of global warming, and potential solutions.

1. Global Warming as a Voting Issue

1.1. Many 2022 voters say global warming was an important issue in deciding how they would vote.

A total of 45% of registered voters who voted in the 2022 election¹ say global warming was either “the single most important issue” (2%) or “one of several important issues” (43%) to them when they decided how they would vote. This includes 77% of liberal Democrats (4% “most important issue,” 74% “one of several important issues”) and 64% of moderate/conservative Democrats (3% most important, 61% one of several),

In contrast, no Republicans said global warming was “the single most important issue” to them when they decided how they would vote, while some Republicans (26% of liberal/moderate Republicans and 11% of conservative Republicans) said global warming was “one of several important issues” in their voting decision.

¹87% of the registered voters in the sample voted in the 2022 election, while 13% did not and thus did not receive this question. Percentages among all registered voters are included in the data tables, Appendix I, p. 40.

2. Global Warming and Clean Energy as Government Priorities

2.1. About half of registered voters think global warming should be a “high” or “very high” priority for the president and Congress.

About half of registered voters (52%) think global warming should be a high or very high priority for the president and Congress (see data tables, p. 40). This includes a large majority of liberal Democrats (90%), about three in four moderate/conservative Democrats (74%), and one in three liberal/moderate Republicans (33%). Few conservative Republicans (10%) think so.

2.2. Most registered voters think developing sources of clean energy should be a “high” or “very high” priority for the president and Congress.

About two in three registered voters (65%) think developing sources of clean energy should be a high or very high priority for the president and Congress (see data tables, p. 40). This includes large majorities of liberal Democrats (95%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (82%), about half of liberal/moderate Republicans (52%), but only 28% of conservative Republicans.

3. Support for Policies to Reduce the Pollution that Causes Global Warming

3.1. Most registered voters support climate-friendly energy policies.

Registered voters across the political spectrum support many energy policies designed to reduce carbon pollution and fossil fuel dependence and promote clean energy, including:

• Funding more research into renewable energy sources: 79% of registered voters; 98% of liberal Democrats, 94% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 84% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 48% of conservative Republicans.
• Providing federal funding to make residential buildings in low-income communities more energy efficient: 78% of registered voters; 97% of liberal Democrats, 94% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 75% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 48% of conservative Republicans.
• Providing tax incentives or rebates to homeowners, landlords, and businesses to purchase appliances that can be powered without burning fossil fuels (such as electric water heaters, electric heat pumps, and electric induction cooktops): 76% of registered voters; 97% of liberal Democrats, 88% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 78% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 43% of conservative Republicans.
• Providing tax rebates to people who purchase energy-efficient vehicles or solar panels: 75% of registered voters; 97% of liberal Democrats, 91% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 73% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 41% of conservative Republicans.
• Regulating carbon dioxide as a pollutant: 74% of registered voters; 99% of liberal Democrats, 91% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 75% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 41% of conservative Republicans.
• Transitioning the U.S. economy (including electric utilities, transportation, buildings, and industry) from fossil fuels to 100% clean energy by 2050: 66% of registered voters; 97% of liberal Democrats, 87% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 63% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 22% of conservative Republicans.
• Requiring fossil fuel companies to pay a carbon tax and using the money to reduce other taxes (such as income tax) by an equal amount [i.e., a revenue-neutral carbon tax]: 64% of registered voters; 93% of liberal Democrats, 81% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 57% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 26% of conservative Republicans.
• Requiring electric utilities to produce 100% of their electricity from renewable energy sources by 2035: 62% of registered voters; 93% of liberal Democrats, 81% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 58% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 20% of conservative Republicans.
• Requiring that by 2030, all new cars, trucks, and SUVs sold in the U.S. are electric vehicles: 44% of registered voters; 78% of liberal Democrats, 63% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 24% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 8% of conservative Republicans.

3.2. Most registered voters support conservation and restoration policies.

Registered voters across the political spectrum support a range of conservation and restoration policies, including:

• Providing federal funding to help farmers improve practices to protect and restore the soil so it absorbs more carbon: 84% of registered voters; 97% of liberal Democrats, 92% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 91% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 64% of conservative Republicans.
• Creating a jobs program that would hire unemployed coal workers to safely close down old coal mines and restore the natural landscape: 78% of registered voters; 99% of liberal Democrats, 93% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 84% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 43% of conservative Republicans.
• Creating a jobs program that would hire unemployed oil and gas workers to safely close down thousands of abandoned oil and gas wells, which are a source of water and methane pollution: 78% of registered voters; 98% of liberal Democrats, 90% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 83% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 47% of conservative Republicans.
• Increasing federal funding to low-income communities and communities of color who are disproportionately harmed by air and water pollution: 68% of registered voters; 98% of liberal Democrats, 87% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 57% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 27% of conservative Republicans.

3.3. A large majority of registered voters support renewable energy generation on public land.

A large majority of registered voters (79%) support generating renewable energy (solar and wind) on public land in the United States. This includes nearly all liberal Democrats (97%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (90%) as well as a large majority of liberal/moderate Republicans (85%) and about half of conservative Republicans (53%).

Smaller majorities of registered voters support fossil-fuel production in the United States, including:

• Expanding offshore drilling for oil and natural gas off the U.S. coast: 59% of registered voters; 86% of conservative Republicans, 77% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 50% of moderate/conservative Democrats, and 30% of liberal Democrats.
• Drilling for and mining fossil fuels (coal, oil, and natural gas) on public land in the U.S.: 56% of registered voters; 86% of conservative Republicans, 73% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 44% of moderate/conservative Democrats, and 28% of liberal Democrats.

3.4. A majority of registered voters support building climate-friendly energy production and distribution infrastructure in the U.S.

Majorities of registered voters support building climate-friendly energy production and distribution infrastructure in the U.S., including solar farms (66%), wind farms (65%), electric vehicle charging stations (59%), and high-voltage power lines to distribute clean energy (58%). These include large majorities of liberal Democrats and moderate/conservative Democrats, and majorities of liberal/moderate Republicans, but fewer conservative Republicans:

• Solar farms: liberal Democrats, 90%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 78%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 60%; conservative Republicans, 39%.
• Wind farms: liberal Democrats, 90%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 74%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 60%; conservative Republicans, 39%.
• Electric vehicle charging stations: liberal Democrats, 90%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 77%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 43%; conservative Republicans, 29%.
• High-voltage power lines to distribute clean energy: liberal Democrats, 73%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 61%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 53%; conservative Republicans, 48%.

Fewer registered voters support building nuclear power plants in the U.S. (44%). Support for building nuclear power plants appears to depend more on the strength of registered voters’ political ideology than on political party identification, with a majority of conservative Republicans (58%) and many liberal Democrats (46%) supporting it, but with less support from liberal/moderate Republicans (40%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (34%).

3.5. A majority of registered voters support building climate-friendly energy production and distribution infrastructure in their local area.

Majorities of registered voters also support climate-friendly energy production and distribution infrastructure in their local area, including solar farms (61%), electric vehicle charging stations (58%), wind farms (57%), and high-voltage power lines to distribute clean energy (54%). These include majorities of liberal Democrats and moderate/conservative Democrats, and many liberal/moderate Republicans, but fewer conservative Republicans:

• Solar farms: liberal Democrats, 86%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 69%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 57%; conservative Republicans, 37%.
• Electric vehicle charging stations: liberal Democrats, 89%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 75%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 38%; conservative Republicans, 29%.
• Wind farms: liberal Democrats, 81%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 65%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 51%; conservative Republicans, 33%.
• High-voltage power lines to distribute clean energy: liberal Democrats, 71%; moderate/conservative Democrats, 56%; liberal/moderate Republicans, 46%; conservative Republicans, 45%.

Fewer registered voters support building nuclear power plants in their local area (35%), including 44% of conservative Republicans, 37% of liberal Democrats, 31% of liberal moderate Republicans, and 27% of moderate/conservative Democrats.

In some instances, support is lower for building energy production infrastructure locally than nationally (see Section 3.3). This may reflect a degree of what is often referred to as NIMBYism (“not in my backyard”), in which individuals support development of certain types of projects generally, but oppose it in their local area, because they think the projects may negatively impact the natural environment in their area, their property values, etc.

3.6. A majority of registered voters would support a president declaring a national emergency to act on global warming.

More than half of registered voters (55%) would either “strongly” (23%) or “somewhat” (32%) support a U.S. president declaring global warming a national emergency to act on it if Congress does not take further action (see data tables, p. 51). This would be supported by large majorities of liberal Democrats (89%, with 50% saying they “strongly support” it; see data tables) and moderate/conservative Democrats (82%; 32% strongly support). By contrast, 39% of liberal/moderate Republicans and 10% of conservative Republicans would support it, while 90% of conservative Republicans would oppose it (including 78% who would “strongly oppose” it, see data tables).

4. Special Section: The Inflation Reduction Act (IRA)

4.1. Most registered voters have not heard much about the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA).

On August 16, 2022, President Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) into law. The law aims to curb inflation by reducing the federal deficit, lowering prescription drug prices and the cost of health insurance, modernizing the Internal Revenue Service, and investing in U.S. clean energy production. The law authorizes $391 billion for developing clean energy and addressing global warming, including tax incentives and rebates to help consumers and businesses buy energy-efficient appliances, solar panels, electric vehicles, etc. The IRA also includes support for clean energy jobs and investments in communities that are most harmed by air and water pollution. It is the largest investment the U.S. government has ever made to reduce global warming, and is projected to help the U.S. reduce its carbon pollution 40% by 2030. The law will be paid for by closing tax loopholes.

Two in three registered voters (67%) have heard at least “a little” about the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (IRA; see data tables, p. 51), including about four in ten (43%) who have heard either “a lot” (13%) or “some” (29%) about it. A majority of conservative Republicans (55%) and about half of liberal Democrats (49%) have heard “a lot” or “some” about the IRA, while fewer moderate/conservative Democrats (34%) or liberal/moderate Republicans (30%) have done so. One in three registered voters (33%) have heard “nothing at all” about the IRA (see data tables).

4.2. Registered voters who know about the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) are skeptical or don’t associate it with anything.

As noted in Section 4.1, 67% of registered voters have heard at least “a little” about the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (IRA). All survey participants who said they had heard at least “a little” about the IRA were then asked the open-ended question: “What, if anything, is the first thing that comes to mind when you think about the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (IRA)?” Responses to that question were then categorized for analysis (see data tables, p. 51).1

Of those registered voters who have heard about the IRA and provided an association, the most common association reflected “skepticism” (e.g., it is government waste, will not accomplish its goals; 16%). The next most common associations were climate and clean energy (8%) and economic benefits (8%).

Among the political groups, the most common associations were: Liberal Democrats: climate/clean energy (15%); moderate/conservative Democrats: economic benefits (11%); liberal/moderate Republicans: skepticism (18%); and conservative Republicans: skepticism (42%). Overall, conservative Republicans were the political group most likely to associate the IRA with any particular response.

4.3. A majority of registered voters support the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA).

After reading a brief description of the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), about two in three registered voters (68%) say they support it (34% “strongly support” and 34% “somewhat support”). Nearly all liberal Democrats (97%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (91%) support the IRA, as do two in three liberal/moderate Republicans (66%). By contrast, 23% of conservative Republicans support the IRA, while 75% oppose it (including 55% who strongly oppose it; see data tables, p. 52).

4.4. Few registered voters think the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) will accomplish many of its intended goals.

About four in ten registered voters (41%) think the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) will increase innovation in clean energy technologies (not pictured in the figure; see data tables, p. 54). This includes 65% of liberal Democrats, 49% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 35% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 19% of conservative Republicans. However, fewer registered voters think the IRA will accomplish many of its other intended goals, such as reducing:

• Global warming: 34% of registered voters think the IRA will reduce it; 61% of liberal Democrats, 51% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 18% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 6% of conservative Republicans.
• The cost of health care: 27% of registered voters; 48% of liberal Democrats, 37% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 17% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 6% of conservative Republicans.
• Inflation: 24% of registered voters; 44% of liberal Democrats, 37% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 14% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 4% of conservative Republicans.
• Electricity power outages: 21% of registered voters; 41% of liberal Democrats, 30% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 11% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 4% of conservative Republicans.
• Gas prices: 20% of registered voters; 33% of liberal Democrats, 32% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 11% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 3% of conservative Republicans.
• The cost of electricity: 18% of registered voters; 30% of liberal Democrats, 29% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 12% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 4% of conservative Republicans.

4.5. Fewer than half of registered voters think the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) will help them or the country.

Fewer than half of registered voters think the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) will help the following groups of people or the country, including:

• Future generations of people: 42% of registered voters; 74% of liberal Democrats, 62% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 26% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 7% of conservative Republicans.
• Low-income communities and communities of color who are disproportionately harmed by pollution: 36% of registered voters; 64% of liberal Democrats, 51% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 25% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 9% of conservative Republicans.
• The health of Americans: 35% of registered voters; 68% of liberal Democrats, 49% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 22% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 6% of conservative Republicans.
• The economy and jobs in the U.S.: 35% of registered voters; 67% of liberal Democrats, 53% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 15% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 6% of conservative Republicans.
• Their family: 26% of registered voters; 47% of liberal Democrats, 44% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 9% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 4% of conservative Republicans.
• Them personally: 22% of registered voters; 41% of liberal Democrats, 34% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 7% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 3% of conservative Republicans.
• National security: 17% of registered voters; 35% of liberal Democrats, 22% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 11% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 2% of conservative Republicans.

5. Who Should Take Action to Address Global Warming?

5.1. Two in three registered voters want corporations and industry to do more to address global warming. Most also want more action from citizens and government.

Two in three registered voters say corporations and industry should do either “much more” or “more” to address global warming (66% of registered voters, including 95% of liberal Democrats, 81% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 59% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 32% of conservative Republicans).

Half or more registered voters, including large majorities of both liberal and moderate/conservative Democrats, say citizens themselves (60%), the Republican Party (60%), the U.S. Congress (58%), their local government officials (54%), their governor (53%), the Democratic Party (53%), the media (51%), and President Biden (50%) should do more to address global warming. About half (48%) say they themselves should do more.

Forty-three percent of liberal/moderate Republicans say their party (the Republican Party) should do more to address global warming, while only 20% of conservative Republicans say so. Large majorities of both liberal Democrats (84%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (68%) say their party (the Democratic Party) should do more.

5.2. Few registered voters think the U.S. government is responding well to global warming.

Few registered voters agree that the U.S. government is responding well to the issue of global warming (12%). This is true across the political spectrum: Only 17% of moderate/conservative Democrats, 16% of liberal Democrats, 7% of liberal/moderate Republicans, and 6% of conservative Republicans agree.

6. Political Actions to Limit Global Warming

6.1. Relatively few registered voters have engaged in political actions to reduce global warming in the past year.

Relatively few registered voters have engaged in political actions to reduce global warming over the past 12 months, including 16% who say they have signed a petition about global warming at least “once,” and 11% who say they have donated money to an organization working on global warming at least “once.” Fewer (5%) have volunteered their time to an organization working on global warming at least “once” in the past year.

6.2. Relatively few registered voters have urged elected officials to reduce global warming. 

Eight percent of registered voters have contacted government officials to urge them to take action to reduce global warming at least one time over the past 12 months. This includes 20% of liberal Democrats and 8% of moderate/conservative Democrats, but only 1% of liberal/moderate Republicans and 1% of conservative Republicans.

6.3. Many registered voters are willing to take political actions to reduce global warming.

About half of registered voters (49%) say they would sign a petition about global warming, including majorities of liberal Democrats (84%) and moderate/conservative Democrats (66%), but fewer liberal/moderate Republicans (39%) and conservative Republicans (12%). About three in ten say they would donate money (31%) or volunteer their time (30%) to an organization working on global warming. Fewer would contact government officials about global warming (26%) or meet with an elected official or their staff (25%).

One in four registered voters (25%) would support an organization engaging in non-violent civil disobedience against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse, and 14% (including 29% of liberal Democrats) would personally engage in such non-violent civil disobedience.

6.4. Few registered voters would be willing to get arrested as part of a non-violent civil disobedience action.

Although 14% of registered voters say they would personally engage in non-violent civil disobedience against corporate or government activities that make global warming worse (see section 6.1), only 4% say they would be willing to get arrested as part of such an action (1% “definitely would,” 3% “probably would”). This includes 10% of liberal Democrats, 3% of liberal/moderate Republicans, 2% of moderate/conservative Democrats, and no conservative Republicans.

However, according to the most recent data available from the U.S. Census Bureau, there are more than 168 million registered voters in the United States. If 1% of them “definitely would” get arrested as part of a non-violent action against activities that make global warming worse, and an additional 3% “probably would,” it suggests that there may be a million or more registered voters willing to do so.

6.5. About one in four registered voters are participating, or willing to participate, in a campaign to convince elected officials to take action to reduce global warming – although current participation is low.

A total of about three in ten registered voters (27%) say they are either “definitely” (7%) or “probably” (19%) willing to join a campaign to convince elected officials to take action to reduce global warming or are already currently participating in such a campaign (1%; see data tables). This includes 55% of liberal Democrats (3% “currently,” 15% “definitely,” and 37% “probably”), 33% of moderate/conservative Democrats (less than 1% “currently,” 8% “definitely,” and 25% “probably”), and 16% of liberal/moderate Republicans (1% “currently,” 2% “definitely,” and 13% “probably”), but only 3% of conservative Republicans (none “currently,” 1% “definitely,” and 2% “probably”).

7. Collective Efficacy

7.1. Americans are more confident they can influence what the federal government does about global warming more than they can influence what corporations do.

Perceived collective efficacy regarding global warming – the belief that like-minded citizens can work together to influence what government and business leaders do about global warming – is an important motivator for individuals to take collective action.1 About four in ten registered voters (42%) are at least “moderately confident” that people like them, working together, can affect what the federal government does about global warming. Fewer registered voters (35%) are at least “moderately confident” that people like them, working together, can affect what corporations do about global warming.

Liberal Democrats have the highest perceptions of collective efficacy regarding global warming, while conservative Republicans have the lowest perceptions of collective efficacy, although that may in part be because they are less likely to support action on global warming overall.

8. Educating Students About Global Warming

8.1. Three in four registered voters say schools should teach children about global warming.

The Next Generation Science Standards for K-12 STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) education in the United States¹ recommend that climate change be included in school science curricula.

Three in four registered voters (75%) agree that schools should teach children about the causes and consequences of global warming, and potential solutions. Agreement spans the political spectrum, including nearly all liberal and moderate/conservative Democrats (98% and 91% respectively), a large majority of liberal/moderate Republicans (77%), and four in ten conservative Republicans (40%).

¹The Next Generation Science Standards were developed by a collaboration of scientists and educators at the National Research Council of the National Academy of Sciences; the American Academy for the Advancement of Science; the National Teacher’s Association; 26 states; and Achieve (a non-profit organization). Released in 2013, the standards represent the most current, research-based method of educating K-12 students in STEM and preparing them for STEM careers. See: nextgenscience.org

Appendix I: Data Tables

Data Tables can be found beginning on p. 40 of the PDF version of the report:

climate-change-american-mind-politics-policy-december-2022

Appendix II: Survey Method

The data in this report are based on a nationally representative survey of 1,085 American adults, aged 18 and older. Results are reported for the subset of 938 registered voters who participated in the survey. The survey was conducted December 2 –12, 2022. All questionnaires were self-administered by respondents in a web-based environment. The median completion time for the survey was 19 minutes.

The sample was drawn from the Ipsos KnowledgePanel®, an online panel of members drawn using probability sampling methods. Prospective members are recruited using a combination of random digit dial and address-based sampling techniques that cover virtually all (non-institutional) residential phone numbers and addresses in the United States. Those contacted who would choose to join the panel but do not have access to the Internet are loaned computers and given Internet access so they may participate.

The sample therefore includes a representative cross-section of American adults—irrespective of whether they have Internet access, use only a cell phone, etc. Key demographic variables were weighted, post survey, to match US Census Bureau norms.

From November 2008 to December 2018, no KnowledgePanel® member participated in more than one Climate Change in the American Mind (CCAM) survey. Beginning with the April 2019 survey, panel members who have participated in CCAM surveys in the past, excluding the most recent two surveys, may be randomly selected for participation. In the current survey, 308 respondents, 268 of whom are registered voters included in this report, participated in a previous CCAM survey.

The survey instrument was designed by Anthony Leiserowitz, Seth Rosenthal, Jennifer Carman, Marija Verner, Sanguk Lee, Matthew Goldberg, and Jennifer Marlon of Yale University, and Edward Maibach, John Kotcher, and Teresa Myers of George Mason University. The categories for the content analysis of the open-ended responses about the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) were developed by John Kotcher of George Mason University, and open-ended responses were coded by Patrick Ansah and Nicholas Badullovich of George Mason University. The figures and tables were designed by Sanguk Lee, Marija Verner, and Liz Neyens of Yale University.

Margins of error

All samples are subject to some degree of sampling error—that is, statistical results obtained from a sample can be expected to differ somewhat from results that would be obtained if every member of the target population was interviewed. Average margins of error, at the 95% confidence level, are as follows:

• All Registered Voters (n = 938): Plus or minus 3 percentage points.
• Democrats (total; n = 435): Plus or minus 5 percentage points.
• Liberal Democrats (n = 240): Plus or minus 6 percentage points.
• Moderate/conservative Democrats (n = 193): Plus or minus 7 percentage points.
• Independents (n = 78): Plus or minus 11 percentage points.
• Republicans (total; n = 385): Plus or minus 5 percentage points.
• Liberal/moderate Republicans (n = 114): Plus or minus 9 percentage points.
• Conservative Republicans (n = 270): Plus or minus 6 points.

Rounding error and tabulation

In data tables, bases specified are unweighted, while percentages are weighted to match national population parameters.

For tabulation purposes, percentage points are rounded to the nearest whole number. As a result, percentages in a given chart may total slightly higher or lower than 100%. Summed response categories (e.g., “strongly support” + “somewhat support”) are rounded after sums are calculated. For example, in some cases, the sum of 25% + 25% might be reported as 51% (e.g., 25.3% + 25.3% = 50.6%, which, after rounding, would be reported as 25% + 25% = 51%).

Instructions for coding Section 4.2: Open-ended responses about the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA)

A doctoral student and a postdoctoral fellow coded the open-ended responses using instructions and categories developed by one of the Primary Investigators. Percent agreement ranged from 93% – 99% for the categories coded. Differences between the two coders were resolved via discussion between them and the Primary Investigator. “Haven’t heard of IRA” classification was determined by a “nothing at all” response to the preceding question, “How much, if anything, have you heard about the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 (also known as the IRA), a bill that was passed by the U.S. Congress and signed by President Biden?” Participants who provided that response were not shown this open-ended question. Definitions of the other categories used by the coders are listed below.

For the following variables, we code each survey response for the presence or absence (0 = absent; 1 = present) of the following categories listed below. The order in which the categories are mentioned in the survey response does not matter for the purposes of coding, simply the presence or absence of a particular category.

A survey response can be coded positive for multiple content variables. For example, the response, “Green energy scam” would be coded positive for both climate/clean energy (for the reference to green energy) and skepticism (for referring to it as a scam). Definitions for each content variable are provided below.

• Climate Change/Clean Energy – This category includes any reference to climate change, global warming, clean/renewable/green energy, the environment or sustainability. This includes any references to solar panels, wind, electric vehicles, energy efficient appliances, and reducing or transitioning away from fossil fuels (i.e. coal, oil, natural gas). Examples include: “Trying to get a handle on the climate crisis” “Climate resiliency and sustainability” “Green energy funding” “Incentives for individuals to purchase energy efficient cars, appliances, solar panels, etc.”
• Infrastructure – This category includes any reference to infrastructure or repairing roads and bridges. Examples include: “I think it was related to infrastructure” “Infrastructure. building and repairing roads and bridges” “Infrastructure support”
• Economic Harm – This category includes any reference to claims that the IRA will HARM the economy broadly, or that the respondent will personally experience financial HARM from the law. This includes claims that the law will REDUCE economic fairness and equality, or that the law will benefit high-income earners more than low-income earners. Examples include: “It’s not helping the poorest among us.” “More debt” “Cost me more and doesn’t do anything” “loose all money” “Some of the wrong people will get rebates…..”
• Economic Benefits – This category includes any reference to claims that the IRA will BENEFIT the economy broadly, or that the respondent will personally experience financial BENEFITS from the law. This includes claims that the law will INCREASE economic fairness and equality. Examples include: “Cheaper groceries and gas.” “lower costs” “making big companies and the wealthy pay their share of taxes.” “Alleviate the high costs of goods for those residing in the United States.”
• Economic Neutral – This category includes any NON-SPECIFIC reference to economic concepts without any explicit or implicit claims about how the law will affect economic outcomes. Examples include: “Money” “Economy” “Stock Market” “jobs” “interest rates” “tax credits”
• Drug prices/healthcare costs – This category includes any reference to drug prices or healthcare costs. Examples include: “drug costs” “Medicare can negotiate prices on some drugs” “Medicine prices” “Drug cost reduction”
• Skepticism – This category includes any general expression of negative sentiment or opposition to the IRA or reference to the claim that the IRA is wasteful, ineffective, deceptive in its name or intentions WITHOUT any explicit reference to economic harm. This also includes expression of negative affect toward major proponents of the law, including Democrats or Joe Biden. Examples include: “It’s a lie!” “Biden is an idiot!” “Government waste” “Lots of pork” “it does not fight inflation!” “It creates inflation.. another democrat scam” “That is a crock of ****”
• Don’t Know/Nothing – This category includes any response that expresses a lack of sufficient knowledge to provide an answer. Examples include: “Don’t know enough about it.” “Nothing” “Nothing comes to mind.” “None”
• Other – This category includes any responses that are intelligible, but that don’t fit at least one of the other categories.
• Unintelligible – This category includes any response that includes random strings of characters, OR a response that does not provide sufficient information to categorize it into one of the above categories. This category should only be applied if the ENTIRE response is unintelligible.
• Skipped – This category includes any response that is left blank or skipped over with a response of “n/a“, any other variation of “not applicable”.

Appendix III: Sample Demographics

Sample demographics can be found on p. 69 of the PDF version of the report:

climate-change-american-mind-politics-policy-december-2022